In 1994 China's Third Forum on Work in Tibet vowed to undermine the influence of the Dalai Lama and Buddhism in Tibet and promote allegiance to the Communist Party and socialism. To achieve this goal, the Forum decided to reform Tibetan Buddhism and culture to suit the socialist society and to tighten government control over monasteries and nunneries. The Forum's manifesto recommended the following course to reform Buddhism:

"We must teach and guide Tibetan Buddhism to reform itself. All those religious laws and rituals must be reformed in order to fit in with the needs of development and stability in Tibet, and they should be reformed so that they become appropriate to a society under socialism... First, we should put an end to the unbridled construction of monasteries/nunneries as well as to the unbridled recruitment of monks/nuns. Later, other matters must be tackled on a priority basis...

"We must reveal the true political face of the Dalai hidden behind the religious mask, and prevent by all means and ways the monks and nuns in the monasteries of our region from being affected by the influence of the Dalai Clique. The Communist cadres and the vast masses of monks and nuns in the monasteries should demonstrate their determination to distance themselves from the Dalai Clique in the political field...We must enhance the understanding of the monks and nuns about patriotism and law.

"In recognizing the reincarnations of the tulkus [reincarnated lamas] of the Tibetan Buddhism, we must follow the relevant decisions of the State and implement them according to the real conditions in our region and make them more practical as soon as possible. We must do this work earnestly in order to gain the initiative.

"We must take precautions against the Dalai Clique-they are interfering in the recognition of tulkus in order to manipulate the monasteries, and this situation must be reversed."

Uprooting the 'Dalai's influence'

The clarion call for the "Patriotic Education" campaign was sounded by a front page editorial in the April 5, 1996 edition of Xizang Ribao (Tibet Daily), which called for a campaign to "eradicate the Dalai Splittist Forces' influence".

Then, on July 23, 1996, Chen Kuiyuan, Communist Party Secretary of the "Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR)", addressed a mobilization rally in Lhasa to launch the "Spiritual Civilization" campaign and declare its main thrust in Tibet. Chen said, "One of the important tasks in facilitating Spiritual Civilization drive is to screen and eliminate Dalai's influence in the spiritual field. If we fail to accomplish this task, we cannot claim to have attained any great results in facilitating the Spiritual Civilization drive".(1)

Monasteries and nunneries became the first targets of the "Patriotic Education" campaign. The authorities argued that monks and nuns had "become the vanguard of disturbances" and that monasteries and nunneries had "become the breeding ground and hotbed for the Dalai Clique's splittist activities in Tibet".(2)

To counter this, the authorities decided to tighten government control over all religious institutions through the establishment of a "Democratic Management Committee" and "Patriotic Education Work Unit" in every monastery and nunnery. On July 20, 1997, a 10-point disciplinary code for monks and nuns was issued to all religious institutions.

The disciplinary code, amongst others, forbids the possession and propagation of "splittist" publications and calls for protection of the "stability and unity of the Motherland". The code also forbids spiritual teachings outside the confines of monastic institutions. Identity cards are issued to "government-approved" monks and nuns to facilitate control over their activities. Those without identity cards are ousted from monasteries/nunneries.

Throughout Tibet "Patriotic Education Work Units" force monks and nuns to denounce the Dalai Lama and pledge allegiance to the Communist Party. Monks and nuns are expressly forbidden to possess or display photos of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in their rooms as well as in the monastery or nunnery. Resistance to these diktats leads to arrest and expulsion from monasteries and nunneries. In some cases, the monasteries and nunneries are closed down altogether.

The Dharamsala-based Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) documented a total of 165 arrests (including nine custodial deaths) and more than 2,800 cases of expulsion from monasteries and nunneries in 1996 and 1997.(3) In 1998, the total number of known cases of arrest and expulsion, as documented by the TCHRD, were 327 and 7,156 respectively. Cases of arrest and expulsion for 1999, as known to the TCHRD, were 49 and 1,432 respectively.(4)

In March 1998, the "TAR" Deputy Party Secretary Raidi said that "35,000 monks and nuns in more than 700 religious institutions have been rectified by patriotic education."

Simultaneously, a number of "unpatriotic" monasteries and nunneries were closed down and some even demolished. Samdrupling Monastery in Tsethang County, Lhoka, Sungrabling Monastery in Lhoka and Drigung Sherta Dialectic School in Meldro Gonggar were forced to close in 1997.(5) In the same year, the authorities closed down Shigatse's Jonang Kumbum Monastery, persecuted its head, the Venerable Kunga Yeshi, and sold the monastery's religious objects in the antique market of Lhasa.

Shongchen Nunnery in Shigatse, Drag Yerpa hermitage in Taktse County on the outskirts of Lhasa City, and the 12th century Rakhor Nunnery in Toelung Dechen County were all pulled down in 1997. The authorities claim that most of these dismantled monasteries, nunneries and hermitages had been constructed without proper permission.

Ironically, just as these Tibetan religious institutions were being closed down or destroyed, China's official news agency Xinhua, August 8, 1997 reported a "golden age" for Tibetan religion and claimed that there are now more monasteries than before the "liberation" of Tibet.

Lamas - a communist dilemma

In 1998 the Chinese authorities started to force senior Tibetan lamas (spiritual teachers) to retire from their sacred religious duty of preaching. In one such case 49 out of 52 senior lamas from Youning Monstery in Gonlung County, "Haidong Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture", Qinghai province (Amdo) were ordered to permanently retire from their religious duties.

Such a practice is unknown in the history of Tibetan Buddhist tradition and has serious implications for the survival of Buddhist knowledge. Senior monks are crucial to the transmission of religious teachings. The London-based Tibet Information Network commented that the move represents a serious threat to the Buddhist tradition in Tibet and "is a new dimension to the patriotic education campaign".(6)

One of the political dichotomies of 1999 was the attitude of the authorities towards senior religious figures; they were at once viewed as a potential threat to stability and unity and as a potential tool of political control.

The authorities set out to impose increasing restriction on the activities of renowned scholars and religious teachers, perceiving them as a threat to the leadership of the Party. For instance, in mid-1999 the authorities mounted restrictions on the internationally-renowned Serthar Buddhist Institute in "Kanze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture", Sichuan Province.

This institute, approved and certified by China as an "academy", was established in the 1970s by the renowned ecumenical religious leader Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok. Serthar has more than 8,800 students, of whom over 700 are Chinese from various regions of the Mainland. In June 1999 the administration accused the institute of following the wrong direction and of having too many students.<7>7

On the other hand, the authorities now make frequent attempts to utilize religious figures, institutions, and traditions to further their political ambitions. Even the system of recognizing reincarnate lamas (tulkus or rinpoches) is being manipulated.

In June 1999, Tao Changsong, Religious Advisor to the Chinese Government, said that the next Dalai Lama "will not be chosen from foreigners", but that he will be "a Tibetan born in Chinese territory".(8)

It is a measure of China's increasing restrictions on religious freedom and harassment of Tibetan religious figures that the Seventeenth Gyalwa Karmapa, Orgyen Trinley Dorji, recognized by both His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the PRC government in Beijing, and Agya Rinpoche, a major Tibetan religious figure who held several important political posts under the Chinese administration, had to recently flee Tibet.

Explaining the reasons for his escape, Agya Rinpoche said, "Had I remained in Tibet, I would have been forced to denounce the Dalai Lama and my religion to serve the Chinese Government... I would have been forced to help the government have its choice of the Panchen Lama accepted by the Tibetan people. This would violate my deepest beliefs. It was at this point that I knew I must leave my country."

What is particularly noteworthy is that the new policy of religious repression in Tibet was orchestrated by the highest leadership circles in Beijing.

In his speech to ethnic and religious leaders at the Second Session of the Ninth Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference National Committee, Chinese President Jiang Zemin stated, "To correctly handle religious problems, first we should completely and correctly implement the party's religious policy; second, we should strengthen management of religious affairs according to the law; third, we should actively guide religions to adapt to the socialist society."(9)

In order to ensure that religions adapt to socialist society, two things, Jiang said, must be done, "First, the religious masses should abide by our socialist country's law, regulations, guidelines, and policies [religious activities must be conducted within the bounds of the law]; second, religious activities should be subjected to and should serve the country's maximum interest and the nation's entire interest."(10)
The battle for hearts and minds

In 1997 the scope of the "Patriotic Education" campaign was extended to cover schools and other educational institutions to ensure the production of "tens of thousands of youngsters who will sincerely love China and carry forward the work of promoting socialism".

Just as in monasteries and nunneries, "Patriotic Education" in schools involves weaning the younger generations' loyalty away from His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Tibetan nationalism. In this connection, Chen Kuiyuan made the following remark at the Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the "TAR" on July 29, 1995:

"It has been long since the Dalai Clique started a contest to win over Tibet's educational battleground and future generation from us. If our failure to think clearly allows splittist ideas, publications and incitement to infiltrate our schools, and thus, blacken our future generation and create conditions for the people's schools to churn out successors to the splittist forces, we will have made a historical blunder."(11)

"The Dalai Clique has enrolled lots of teenagers in their schools abroad to imbue them with the idea of 'Tibetan independence' and splittist ideas. They are trying lots of methods to train successors to the cause of 'Tibetan independence'. In our region there are students in schools who wear the red scarfs [indicating that they belong to the Young Pioneers, the junior wing of the Communist Youth League] but go to monasteries to feed butter lamps, and what's more, some have been deceived by the counter-revolutionary propaganda of the Dalai Clique, so that they sympathize with them and take part in splittist activities.

"What will happen after some decades? Will our teenagers grow up as successors to the cause of socialism or to the cause of splittism? This is an important issue that we ought to consider seriously."

The panacea of atheism

Towards the end of 1998 the Chinese authorities came up with a campaign to foster atheism in all walks of Tibetan life. This campaign was targeted to achieve its objectives within three years. Heralding its start, Raidi stated on November 15, 1998, "As communists, we cannot hold that all is well because we merely announce that we are atheists. Rather, we should make bold propaganda about Marxist atheism and insist on indoctrinating the masses of peasantry and herdsmen in the Marxist stand on religion."

Then, on January 8, 1999, a meeting of the "TAR" Party Propaganda Department decided that "atheism is necessary to promote economic development in the region and to assist the struggle against the infiltration of the Dalai Clique".(12)

The campaign urged Tibetans to stop the age-old custom of relying on divination or oracles or seeking advice from senior religious persons or using prayer beads or even wearing traditional Tibetan garments in offices. It announced restrictions on putting up prayer flags, burning incense, circumambulating holy places, going on religious pilgrimages, etc. These "superstitious acts", the campaign trumpetted, stood as stumbling blocks to the advancement of society - particularly for the advent of a market economy.

The first targets of this campaign were Tibetan Communist Party members and public sector employees. They were warned against possessing religious objects - such as prayer books, photos, statues, thangkas (religious paintings) and altars - and against participating in religious festivals or services, including visiting monasteries and temples on sacred days. This was followed recently by a further decree ordering Party members and government workers to withdraw their children from monasteries and nunneries.

Earlier, in his November 8, 1997 speech to the Second Plenary Session of the Fifth "TAR" Party Committee, Chen Kuiyuan stated:

"...religious believers, and even some Party members and cadres, are not able to free themselves from the shackles of their outlook on the world as seen from religious idealism. Instead of devoting their intelligence and endeavours to the welfare of society and the people, they waste their precious time in futile efforts praying for individual happiness in the next world; instead of using their limited financial resource to improve their economic condition, they unrestrictedly donate their money to monasteries; and instead of letting their children receive a modern education, they send them to monasteries to become a monk or a nun. Such negative thinking and behaviour prevents science and technology from spreading and impedes the development of productive forces."

The targeting of Party members and public sector employees reveals the Chinese authorities' sense of frustration with Tibetan cadres for dragging their feet on the anti-Dalai Lama campaigns. This became clear from a Tibet TV commentary of August 3, 1999 which stated that those members and cadres who do not support the campaigns "worry that Tibet being the main region of Tibetan Buddhism, where lamaseries and monasteries are ubiquitous and where there are many Buddhist followers, propagating Marxist-Leninist atheism here in a big way is incongruous with the Party's religious policy and propagating Marxist-Leninist atheism will hurt the religious sentiments of the vast numbers of monks, nuns and religious followers".

No place for Tibetan architecture

The Third Forum's draconian manifesto also resulted in the demolition of 350 out of 600 historic buildings in the Old City of Lhasa by the end of 1996. The demolished heritage buildings include the Tromsikhang Palace built by the Sixth Dalai Lama in the 17th century, and one of four buildings in the heart of the Old City officially designated for "strict preservation as a cultural relic". Before the destruction of Tromsikhang Palace, UNESCO and many leading conservation experts submitted special representations to the Chinese authorities for its protection as a heritage building.

More recently, the Lhasa administration expelled several members of "The Tibet Heritage Fund (THF)" - an international NGO which had been involved in restoring historic buildings in Lhasa City.(13) The THF was set up in 1997 and had restored 76 buildings - some with a recorded history of 1,200 years - by the time its directors were expelled from Tibet in August 2000.

In sum, it is not difficult to assess why the Chinese authorities are intent on suppressing religion, culture and language of Tibet. Anything that in any way can define Tibetans as a distinct race is viewed as a direct threat to the unity of China and the Communist Party leadership.

Chen Kuiyuan made this clear when he said, "They [the Dalai Clique] try to use language and culture as an excuse to create ethnic conflict. Their aim is to separate the Tibetan nationality from the rest of [China's] nationalities...and to make the so-called 'Tibetan culture' opposed to the so-called 'Han culture'."(14)

NOTES:

1. BBC Monitoring, September 9, 1996
2. July 19, 1996 speech of the Vice-Chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region, Phagbalha Geleg Namgyal
3. TCHRD, China in Tibet: Striking Hard Against Human Rights, 1997, Dharamsala, India, p 8
4. TCHRD, Tibet: Crackdown on Humanity, 1998, Dharamsala, p 3; Tightening of Control, 1999, Dharamsala, p 3
5. TCHRD, China in Tibet: Striking Hard Against Human Rights, 1997, Dharamsala, p 14
6. TIN News Update, October 27, 1998
7. TIN News Review No. 28, 1999
8. South China Morning Post, June 23, 1999
9. Xinhua, March 4, 1999; SWB March 27, 1999
10. Xinhua, March 4, 1999
11. The first document of the Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Tibet Autonomous Region
12. Tibet TV, January 10, 1999
13. Reuters, Beijing, August 19, 2000
14. Xizang Ribao (Tibet Daily), July 14, 1997

[ Homepage ] [ China's Current Policy in Tibet
]



This site is maintained and updated by The Office of Tibet, the official agency of His Holiness His Holiness the Dalai Lama in London. This Web page may be linked to any other Web sites. Contents may not be altered.
Last updated: 19-September-2000